Aruba

The name Aruba most likely came from the Caquetío Oruba which means "well situated island", seeing as it was the Caquetío who were present on the island when Alonso de Ojeda arrived in the 16th century. Between 1529 and the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, the name "Isla de Oruba" was used for the island by the Spanish. The island was ceded to the Dutch, and gradually its name was changed to Aruba.

There were many different names for Aruba used by other Amerindian groups, all of which could have contributed to the present-day name Aruba. Another Caquetío name for the island was Oibubia which means "Guided island". The Taino name for the island was Arubeira. The Kalinago also had two names for the island: Ora Oubao which means "Shell island" and Oirubae which means "Companion of Curaçao".

A common misconception is that the name "Aruba" came from Oro hubo, (Spanish for "There was gold once"). However, the Spanish declared these islands islas inútiles, meaning "useless islands", due to their apparent lack of mineral wealth. It was not until 1824 that gold was discovered on Aruba by a 12-year-old herder named Willem Rasmijn, leading to the Aruban Gold Rush.

=== Pre-ceramic age ===

In Aruba's prehistoric era, there were distinct periods: the Archaic or Pre-Ceramic and the Neo-Indian or Ceramic (Dabajuroïd) period. The Archaic occupation of Aruba continued well into the first millennium AD, which is relatively late compared to other parts of the insular Caribbean. The archaic lifestyle revolved around a food economy based on fishing, hunting and gathering, with a strong emphasis on marine resources. Ceramics were absent, as was horticulture and agriculture. Weapons and tools were predominantly crafted from stone. Sharp-edged axe blades, chisels and knives were commonly used, with the knives distinguishable by their elongated shape and flat blades.

One notable site, Sero Muskita, yielded a tool that is older than other archaic age sites on the island. The finishing techniques and shape of this tool resembles one found at Arikok, suggesting a date before approximately 2000 BC. The presence of these tools on the island may be from occasional visits from the mainland. In total, 33 archaic age sites have been identified on Aruba.

During this period, the Leeward Islands maintained connections and engaged in trade with mainland South America, particularly with partners in the present-day Falcón-Zulia state in Venezuela and possibly the La Guajira Peninsula (Venezuela/Colombia). The specific language group to which they belonged remains uncertain. This theory is supported by the discovery of 60 to 70 Amerindian cemetery burial grounds in Malmok and Canashito. Burial sites at Canashito are dated between 100 BC to 100 AD. isotopic research revealed that one of the individuals buried there was not from Aruba and had a different diet compared to the other four individuals of Aruban origin. This finding suggests that early human migration and cultural exchange were already part of the cultural pattern of these archaic Indians at an early stage.

The burial site in Malmok dates to between 450 and 1000 AD. The Arubans of that time had a short and stocky physique, with adult men averaging 1.57 metres (5 ft 2 in) in height and women averaging 1.49 metres (4 ft 11 in). The burial customs offer insight into the social dynamics of the archaic island inhabitants. Based on the burial patterns, it was deduced that they travelled in clans of 15 to 30 people. These groups were led by an adult man who was buried at the centre of the cluster. His elevated status was emphasised by the presence of several stones marking his grave. The rest of the family group was buried around him.

The archaic population disappeared from Aruba from the archaeological record around 950 AD, shortly after the arrival of the neo-Indian—Caquetío. the Caquetío newcomers possessed a comparatively more sophisticated culture in socio-economic and technological terms; they may have lived alongside the archaic Indians for a time before that population was ultimately displaced or assimilated.

The Caquetío spoke an Arawakan language. The origin of Arawak civilisation (a name based on a linguistic classification) is located in the central Amazon region. Between 1500 and 500 BC, the influence of the Arawaks had expanded to the Caribbean Basin and the Guianas. Between 850 and 1000 AD, Caquetío Indians migrated from western Venezuela, probably from the Paraguaná and Guajire peninsulas, to the Leeward Antilles. They belonged to the Arawak-Maipure language family. The name Caquetío refers to how this group referred to themselves during their first contact with Europeans. They had longer and narrower skulls than the archaic population, and their height was up to 1.60 metres (5 ft 3 in). The newcomers brought pottery and agriculture to the islands and are therefore classified as part of the neo-Indian period.

The area over which the legendary cacique Manaure exercised his authority was the coastal region of the current state Falcón-Zulia at Venezuela, including the Paraguaná Peninsula, as well as Aruba, Curaçao and Bonaire. The Caquetío people had a highly developed process of state formation. They had a chiefdom, which in human evolution is often a precursor to a kingdom, where central leaders—paramount chiefs—controlled multiple subordinate political-administrative units. Caquetío society was based on political and religious alliances among adjacent communities, rather than military control or the subjugation of neighbouring groups.

At the head of the Caquetío chiefdom was a spiritual leader called diao who had both secular and religious authority in modern terms. He was considered to be endowed with shamanic powers that could influence nature. The diao position was hereditary. By being allowed to marry multiple wives, the diao was able to establish and maintain political alliances with other groups, tribes, or villages. The chiefdom was centralised in its design, but not based on authoritarian or violence-based subjugation. The Spanish conquistadors interrupted this process of expansion at the time of the European contact (AD 1499–1535).

The Caquetío territory consisted of several small political units that were under the authority of lower "second-tier chiefs" who were subordinate to the highest authority. How the central authority was exercised over the units is not clear. However, there are reports from the contact period that suggest the diao did not exert his power over the lower units in arbitrary manner. Likely there was a form of consultation between the diao and lower leaders. In the 16th century, two sub-units, the Guaranos and Amuayes, lived on the Paraguaná Peninsula. Aruba, which is less than 30 kilometres away from Paraguaná, was previously connected to one of these units.

After the diao and the regional sub-units, such as the mentioned Guaranaos an Amuayes in Paraguaná, the village formed the third level of governance in the hierarchy of the chiefdom. Aruba had (not simultaneously) five villages: three larger ones Ceri Noca (Santa Cruz), Tanki Flip (Noord) and Savaneta, and two smaller ones near Tanki Leendert and Parkietenbos, which have not yet been systematically studied. The location of Aruban villages varied. They were situated in places where beneficial agriculture land was available and where the most favourable hydrological conditions prevailed, such as where several rooi (gullies) came together and where relatively much water was available.

The Caquetío people probably used a shifting cultivation farming method, also known as slash-and-burn. The yields from agriculture and fishing were supplemented by engaging in trade of raw materials and artefacts that were not locally available or producible. Sixteenth-century sources indicate that the Caquetíos traded in, among other things, salt, canoes, tobacco and beads. The Leeward Caquetíos certainly did not live in isolation but formed outlying regions of a dynamic chiefdom with regional trading networks.

In 1882 French explorer Alphonse L. Pinart documented an account provided by an old Aruba Indian. According to the Indian's account, witnessed at the former Indian encampment at Saboneta (Savaneta), a native female was inhumed in one of the large conical ollas. Her body was doubled up inside the vase, with the head protruding through the orifice. Subsequently, a smaller urn was placed upside down on the head, and the entire burial was covered with earth.

The Caquetío people were buried in clusters, both within and potentially outside village boundaries. At times, there was a secondary burial, possibly reserved for exceptional individuals. In the primary burial, the deceased were buried in a large pot, covered with a smaller pot placed on top. In a secondary burial, the body was initially buried without a pot, and after a few months or years, the bones were exhumed and reburied in smaller pots for a second time. Some pots contained grave offerings such as axes, shells and pottery. The secondary burial method was practised until recently in South America. The striking similarity between the Neo-Indian burial practices in Aruba and the post-Columbian variant in Guajira justifies the assumption that the similar beliefs about life after death existed in both societies.

According to oral tradition, Nicolaas Pyclas is regarded as the last-known indigenous Aruban. Pyclas spoke and understood the extinct language of the original inhabitants of Aruba, adhering to their way of life and customs. He resided in a hut in Savaneta. His diet included sea snails, such as cocolishi (Cerun uva) and carco (Aliger gigas), as well as wild herbs. Pyclas rejected any involvement in religious practices. Around 1840, he was found dead hanging from a tree branch not far from his hut. Estimated to be approximately 50 years old, he was buried in situ and was not properly buried due to the hard rocky surface, he was only covered with a layer of earth and stones. Pyclas' skull was gifted in the 1880s to the former Rijks Ethnographisch Museum, presently National Museum of Ethnology in Leiden, with the mediation of A.J. van Koolwijk.

==== Early explorations ====

It is known that Christopher Columbus was not searching for a new continent but for the shortest route to India. India had been the spearhead of European trade expansion and the foreign policy of the Spanish Crown since the travels of Marco Polo a century earlier. India, China and Japan formed the focal point of medieval ideas about boundless riches, cities with houses covered in gold, and islands with inexhaustible amounts of spices, pearls and silk. The suspicion arose that India could be reached via the relatively short route to the west, across the ocean of Atlantis.

During his third voyage to the New World, Columbus was searching for the southern route to India and explored the Paria Peninsula (eastern Venezuela) and the Orinoco region, where he discovered the fresh river water of the Orinoco Delta. The suspicion arose that he had not found islands off the coast of India but a much more extensive land mass; an extension of Asia. Columbus did not realise that this was an unknown continent. Characteristic of his Christian medieval perspective, Columbus solved the puzzle by assuming that he had discovered the earthly paradise. The earthly paradise was inaccessible to humans without God's permission. Columbus experienced the geographical discovery of the New World in Christian terms and assigned himself a special role assigned by a divine power. With the discovery of the Americas the myths of the Golden Age, Atlantis, and the earthly paradise moved from Asia to the New World. He died on 20 May 1506, believing that he had found new islands off the coast of or possibly a peninsula of India—pre-islands: Ant-ilha. These Ant-ilhas were inhabited by peoples whom he called "Indians".

In 1500, Juan de la Cosa drew the first map of the New World, which depicted the two Leeward Antilles known at the time. This was followed by the more accurate Cantino map, created anonymously in 1502, which also showed an extensive landmass and mentioned the Isla do gigante (Island of Giants) and Isla do brasil (Island of Brasil). The location of the Isla do gigante south-west of the Isla do brasil suggest that it refers to Bonaire and Curaçao since Aruba is located more to the north-west.

In 1493, the year in which the West Indian islands became known in Europe, the division between the secular (civil) and religious authorities in the New World had to be arranged. The newly appointed Spanish Pope Alexander VI issued the Inter caetera bull, granting the Spanish Crown sovereignty over the newly discovered territories and the responsibility of the holy task: to send good, God-fearing men, who are learned and capable, to those islands and continents to teach the natives living there about the Catholic faith and instill in them good habits. In exchange for the papal approval of the treaty, Spain promised to vigorously carry out missionary work in the discovered territories. This gave Spain the right to evangelise the Americas and appoint and dismiss priests, blurring the separation between church and state in the region. In other words, the Spanish Crown was granted significant religious authority in the Americas, which was not strictly separate from the state and weakened the distinction between the religious and secular spheres—a key aspect of separation between church and state.

Conquistadores were fascinated by legends of inexhaustible gold reserves of El Dorado. The conquest was characterised by bloodshed, destruction, and forced assimilation of the native peoples into European society, such as the initiation of Indian slavery by Columbus in 1492. Europeans had an advantage because they had superior weapons, such as firearms, steel swords, armour, ships, horses, and targeted military strategies. While expedition leaders mostly came from the higher echelons of late medieval society, their foot soldiers were usually from the lower middle class of southern Europe. These soldiers formed the basis of the future group of encomenderos. The encomienda system granted Spanish colonisers right by the Spanish Crown to extract tribute and labour from indigenous peoples. For example, indigenous communities had to give up a portion of the yields from their agricultural or farm land, known as conucos in Taino, as a form of taxation and to provide for the food supply of the colonists. The defeated were often kidnapped and forced to participate in expeditions elsewhere in the New World as slave labourers.

The Caquetío population of the Leeward Antilles was incorporated into the Spanish colonial empire c. 1500. On 8 and 10 June 1501, Alonso de Ojeda acquired the exclusive right to exploit the current Venezuelan coastal area, known as Coquivacoa, and the islands of the coast Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire, and probably also the Mongues and Aves Islands. De Ojeda had to form an administration as far west as possible on the Tierra Firme to secure the Spanish presence. It is believed that de Ojeda and Amerigo Vespucci visited Bonaire and Curaçao, but neither Vespucci nor de Ojeda are thought to have set foot on Aruban soil. He was explicitly forbidden to enslave natives. However, de Ojeda lacked administrative skills and intentions, and he became a controversial figure. De Ojeda established a base named Santa Cruz at the tip of Guajira, from whence he conducted trade and, probably even more importantly, carried out his raids, including slave hunts. During his third voyage to the New World in 1502, de Ojeda visited Curaçao, but his attempt to exploit the region failed. Instead, Bartolomé de las Casas documented de Ojeda's raids, slave hunts and atrocities in the rural areas of present-day Cartagena in his book, Historia General de las Indias. These raids were disastrous, even for the Spaniards, and marked the end of the first attempt to control the region.

Between 1513 and 1515, the Leeward Antilles, including Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire, were depopulated. Captain Diego Salazar led this effort, which affected an estimated 2,000 indigenous inhabitants from these islands, and likely more from Tierra Firme. Most of the Caquetío were taken to Hispaniola as forced labourers. Many of them likely died on the way or later in the gold mines by the Spanish colonisers or during the devastating smallpox epidemic of 1518. Later on, new Indians migrated from the mainland to Aruba, while Indians were brought to Curaçao by Juan de Ampiés. The indigenous population was under encomienda, which ended the autonomy of Caquetío community in the islands. Their relatives on the mainland did not fare any better. After an unsuccessful attempt by Bartolomé de Las Casas to convert the local population to Christianity, the coastal region of the mainland was leased to the banking firm of the Welsers in 1528. This led to the violent conquest of the Caquetío kingdom. Before 1634, Curaçao, along with its neighbouring islands Bonaire and Aruba, were considered part of the province of Venezuela. They had been separated from Venezuela only during the period of the Welser grant.

The appropriation of the Caribbean region turned out to be a failure for the Spaniards. The exploitation of the West Indian islands proved unprofitable, and gold mining on Hispaniola and Puerto Rico declined. Spanish settlers moved elsewhere, and in 1569, the Spanish Crown banned settlement on the Caribbean islands by royal decree. This measure that did not apply to the leased islands of Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire. The colonisation of the large Caribbean islands, such as Cuba, was encouraged while the small islands were abandoned. Most of the islands remained largely uncontrolled and undefended, making them a potential opportunity for north-western European countries that wanted to break Spain's monopoly on colonising the New World. England, France, the Netherlands and Denmark explored the possibilities of piracy and trade on the Caribbean islands.

On the continent, the great empires declined, but indigenous societies continued to exist and were exposed to a long process of miscegenation. In the Falcón-Zulia province, among other places, Caquetío societies survived on Tierra Firme, although their cultures and social structures were largely destroyed by the Spaniards. On the (former) Caquetío coastal islands of Aruba, Curaçao and Trinidad, indigenous people lived well into the colonial period. The indigenous history of the Guajira peninsula extends to the present day. The Wayú are increasingly being recognised on the Leeward Antilles as possible contemporary ancestors or lost relatives from prehistoric times.

The conquistadors brought European cattle to Aruba. Over time, they also introduced goats, sheep, dogs, donkeys, cows, pigs and possibly even cats. It is believed that rabbits, brought by the Dutch, later became wild on the island. Aruba essentially became a Spanish ranch, with cattle roaming freely in search of food. Despite more trees in the past, the overall vegetation was similar to today. The horses introduced were lighter than Dutch ones, and their hooves became so hard from roaming freely that they did not need horseshoes. To avoid stallions injuring each other during mating battles, horseshoes were impractical. After three weeks of service, particularly in the dry season, the horses were released to recover. Occasionally, a small group of Spaniards would disembark on the island, but typically Aruba was left to fend for itself. According to Dutch geographer Joannes de Laet, by 1630 there were few Indians and some Spaniards on Aruba.

==== Dutch conquest: salt ====

Al is de Sallem schoon, De Haering spant de Kroon.

The salmon may be beautiful, the herring surpasses all.

The Dutch were compelled to venture into forbidden waters of the Caribbean, known as Spain's mare clausum, because of their need for salt, in open defiance of Phillip II. Since the mid-15th century, the prosperous Dutch herring industry had been steadily expanding. The towns of Hoorn, Enkhuizen and Medemblik were particularly active in the salt trade, thanks to their thriving fishing industries. Herring was a crucial commodity for Dutch commerce, requiring salt for preservation. Salt also played a vital role in the butter and cheese industry, as well as in preserving food during long voyages. The curing or pickling process for herring was well established during the Middle Ages. After catching the herring, the packers would remove the internal organs, mix them with salt to create a brine, and pack them in barrels along with additional salt. While Zeeland was not heavily involved in fishing, they were renowned for their salt whitening process, which was highly sought after throughout Europe.

Salt importation began in the 15th century when the Dutch obtained high-quality salt in Setúbal the Portugal coast. This sea salt was good for preserving herring because of its magnesium sulfate and magnesium chloride content. However, the Eighty Years' War prompted Phillip II to halt this trade. With the salt supply cut off, the Dutch were forced to seek new trade routes. Their quest for salt led them to the West Indies. Seeking alternative sources, they turned their attention to Punta de Araya in Tierra Firme by the 17th century. The salt reserves in Punta de Araya were abundant and of high quality, surpassing that of the Iberian peninsula. Rather than being a rock salt deposit, it was a gem salt derived from the clay of the surrounding hills. However, following the truce of twelve years, the Dutch discovered that the Spaniards had fortified the saltpans, forcing them to give up their stake in Araya salt.

After hostilities resumed, the Dutch established the West India Company (WIC) with the main objective of engaging in strategic military actions and privateering organisation against Spain. This was the raison d'être or reason for the existence of the WIC. Their secondary objective was focused on commerce and colonisation, a choice that ultimately led to the downfall of the WIC in 1674. The WIC also gathered information on Spanish treasure fleets. In 1623, the first official fleet of the new WIC, a small squadron of only three ships commanded by Pieter Schouten, set sail for the Caribbean to engage in looting and plundering in the Lesser Antilles and the Yucátan peninsula. It was during this voyage that the Dutch first encountered Aruba.

Around 1628 or 1629, the Dutch started obtaining salt regularly on Tortuga. Governor Francisco Núñez Melián of Venezuela destroyed the saltpans and took some Dutch prisoners, forced them to cut Brazilwood in Curaçao. One of these Dutchmen, Jan Janszoon Otzen, carefully assessed the island's excellent harbour and profitable saltpans, which he later communicated to the WIC. Recognising their struggle for salt, the Dutch realised the need to establish a base in these waters to secure Curaçao. WIC agent Johannes van Walbeeck was appointed as the expedition's commander and future Governor of Curaçao, Bonaire and Aruba. Curaçao was captured and acquired by the WIC in June 1634, primarily by their desire to obtain salt. In Van Walbeeck's report of 1634, Aruba is mentioned only in relation to Curaçao, where he refers to Bonaire and Aruba collectively as the "islands of Curaçao". The Dutch from Curaçao occupied Aruba and Bonaire in 1636.

By 1816, Aruba possessed seven salt pans, all of which yielded salt of subpar quality. The salt production was just sufficient to meet the local demand. Aruban labourers, often assisted by donkeys, were tasked with gathering the salt, which was subsequently distributed among the island's inhabitants. Around 1924, salt extraction at Rancho had limited benefits, primarily being used in the preservation of fish during shipping. Paardenbaai (Horses' Bay) contained salt pans up until 1949 when it was dredged and disappeared beneath the sand.

Between the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 and the Peace of Nijmegen in 1678, there were 30 years of crisis in the Dutch Antilles and the entire Caribbean region. By 1648, Curaçao had lost its importance as a military outpost. Governor Peter Stuyvesant had a plan to strengthen the connections between the islands and New Netherland. He believed that the two colonies could support each other: New Netherland would provide food in exchange for slaves from Curaçao, horses from Aruba, and salt from Bonaire. But Stuyvesant did not anticipate the rivalry between the two colonies, which prevented them from working together effectively. The Dutch in Curaçao preferred to sell their goods to other Caribbean islands where they could get a better price, rather than trading with their fellow countrymen in New Netherland. Additionally, the islands were involved in illegal trade with the Spanish mainland and did not want to switch to legal trade with New Netherland. Stuyvesant needed slaves to strengthen New Amsterdam's defences, but he mostly received old or sick slaves, called mancarrons, in response to his requests. The better slaves were sold elsewhere to the highest bidder. However, the people in New Netherland were not motivated by unselfish reasons or a strong sense of patriotism. They continued to trade with their French, English and Swedish neighbours across the border. Only in extreme situations did their shared heritage become more important than making money. For example, when the islands faced famine due to a series of dry seasons, Stuyvesant came to the rescue by sending a ship with food just in time.

The troubled relationship between the Curaçao islands and New Netherland came to a sudden end in 1664. At that time, even though a war between England and the United Provinces had not been officially declared, an English fleet led by Richard Nicolls demanded that New Amsterdam surrender. While the Dutch briefly regained control of the colony in 1673, it was once again used as leverage in 1674 to show the English the dangers of their alliance with France. During the 17th century, the Dutch considered England their main adversary, as evidenced by the three wars they fought against the English. The Second Anglo-Dutch War and the subsequent peace treaty in 1667 marked a pivotal moment in Caribbean colonial possessions. Dutch supremacy waned, and the enforcement of English Navigation Acts left a lasting impact on regional trade. Nevertheless, the Caribbean islands eventually regained stability and prosperity, experiencing fewer changes in colonial holdings for centuries to come.

In the 16th century, Spaniards engaged in coercive labour practices, deporting Arawak Indians to Hispaniola in 1515. Colonists exerted control over Indians on the "useless islands", mirroring the hardships of these faced by subsequent African slaves, marked by a denial of freedom and forced labour. After 1775 the names of African slaves began appearing in records, with examples such as "Cecilia" and "Apolinar" tied to families like Silvester and Alvarez from Alto Vista near the coast.

The Dutch coloniser recognised red slavery, particularly of Indians captured in wars. In the Guyanas, Indians taken as prisoners in conflicts were traded, even following peace treaties. Though Indians on Aruba were not officially classified as slaves during the West India Company's rule, oral tradition in Aruba mentioned Amerindian slaves in the early 20th century. Father Paul Brenneker noted their presence in Curaçao as pseudo-slaves. In 1827, Commander Simon Plats found 51 Amerindians treated as pseudo-slaves by Aruban families. Some were brought by shipowners involved in the slave trade. Plats had masters sign a declaration recognising the freedom of the Amerindians, ensuring proper upbringing, education and accommodation.

Contrary to common belief, Aruba had a history of slavery, challenging the notion that conditions were considerably better than in other Caribbean regions. Records are limited, with mentions primarily concerning Curaçao in 1750 and 1795. Aruba's circumstances surrounding slavery were comparatively less severe, leading to misconceptions that indigenous people were not enslaved. However, by 1862, 15 per cent of Aruba's population were slaves, with 27 per cent in Bonaire. A Population Report from 1820 indicates 331 slaves in Aruba—157 indigenous people and 174 of African descent. In 1840, the number increased to 497 slaves, with 269 being indigenous people and 228 of African descent. Approximately, half of Aruba's slaves were of indigenous origin, and the other half were of African descent. Although Dutch law generally prohibited the enslavement of indigenous people, the actual practice varied.

The British Empire took control of the island during the Napoleonic Wars holding it from 1806 to 1816, after which it was returned to Dutch authority in accordance with the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814. Aruba was then integrated into the Colony of Curaçao and Dependencies, along with Bonaire. Throughout the 19th century, the island's economy evolved, centered around gold, phosphate (Aruba Phosphate Company) and the aloe vera industry (Royal Aruba Aloe). However, despite these economic activities, Aruba continued to be a relatively underdeveloped and economically disadvantaged region during this period.